Beyond our moral radar
From the Blog PkColumnist.com: Beyond our moral radar - It is amazing to see the bizarre contortions governments can put themselves through in the name of national pride. This time, the Chinese government has written officially to several European governments, asking them not to participate in the ceremonies surrounding the award of the Nobel Peace Prize in Sweden next month. The reason, of course, is that the winner of this prestigious prize is Liu Xiaobo, the well-known writer and human rights activist who was handed down an eleven-year jail sentence in 2008 for allegedly "seeking to subvert Communist rule". Communist rule in China must be very fragile, if one man can subvert it. Or at least, that's how it seems to the outside world. Seeking to impose this boycott of the Nobel award ceremony, the Chinese vice foreign minister gave western governments the choice between "challenging the Chinese judicial system and developing friendly ties with Beijing". The Chinese have accused the Nobel committee of being a tool in the hands of western powers who resent China's rapid rise. All this smacks of gross overreaction. While Beijing is perfectly at liberty to disagree with the award to a noted dissident, it surely does not have the right to try and coerce others to agree. One problem is that the Chinese government is managing a successful economy in the 21st century with 20th century totalitarian tools. Having to balance the needs of a largely capitalist system with the demands of a Communist dictatorship causes contradictions that manifest themselves in the recent self-defeating campaign. We in Pakistan have been mute observers to the most extreme human rights violations in China. Successive governments, the public and the media have joined hands in this conspiracy of silence. While we all are (rightly and loudly) critical of America over abuses like Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay, we ignore what is happening in friendly countries like China and Saudi Arabia. Of course, our own human rights record is hardly unblemished, but to their credit, the Pakistani media and civil society regularly take our government to task for violations. Western countries are castigated for perceived Islamophobia, but fellow Muslim countries are spared this critical approach, even though they torture and kill political opponents with sickening regularity. This selective morality robs us of all credibility. While we rail against Israel for its oppression of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories, we fail to comment on the savage infighting between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. Egypt's thuggish ruling junta, Saudi Arabia's harsh monarchy and Iran's cruel regime – to name only a few – seem permanently beyond the range of our moral radar. In China's case, our clergy and our liberals seem to be in tacit agreement to give the Communist regime a permanent pass on human rights. Termed Pakistan's 'all-weather friend', our powerful neighbour has indeed come to our help whenever our bumbling (usually military) leadership has got us into yet another mess. In 1971, when Islamabad stood isolated thanks to its bloody attempt to crush the popular uprising in East Pakistan, China shielded us from the worst effects of our army junta's ruinous policies. During its 1962 border war with India, China invited Ayub Khan to take Kashmir while New Delhi was distracted. The general was bought off by American and British assurances that they would ensure a negotiated settlement if Pakistan did not take advantage of India's military setbacks. In the event, of course, Ayub Khan's faith in his uncertain western allies proved to be ill-judged. And whenever Pakistan has been subjected to military embargoes, China has continued arming our forces. For its long-term diplomatic, financial and military support, China has earned a special place in our dwindling list of friends. And because unlike the West, it does not lecture us on our regular military coups and serial human rights abuses, we feel it would be churlish and ungrateful if we were to be critical of the treatment of its citizens. For these reasons, a heroic human rights icon like Liu Xiaobo remains unknown in Pakistan. The brutal massacre that took place in Tiananmen Square where hundreds of protesters – mostly students – were killed is not something that is often discussed in Pakistan, even in the immediate aftermath of the 1989 event. Another reason for this selective amnesia is China's dramatic rise as an economic power. It is true that literally hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty over the last two decades. There is thus much to admire, especially as hunger and disease violate human rights and dignity just as much imprisonment and torture for political opposition do. But expedience is never a good reason to overlook dictatorial methods. However, we are not alone in turning a blind eye to despotism when it suits us: witness Washington's silence in the face of the Saudi record. Here we have public executions, severe gender-based discrimination and widespread torture, but without a word of condemnation from the United States. Similarly, Tel Aviv regularly escapes American censure for its appalling treatment of Palestinians. So when Washington condemns a state for human rights violations, it can (and often does) cite those with similar records that are acceptable to the Americans. Nevertheless, we all need to be guided by our own ethical compass, and not use moral relativism as a cop-out. Had China not made such a big deal of the Nobel Peace Prize award to a political dissident, the whole issue might have died away after the ceremony was over. But by demanding that the world ignore the award, Beijing has ensured far greater scrutiny of its own record. It has also revealed a vulnerability to peaceful protest that might give heart to its opponents at home and abroad. A problem China will face in the immediate future is that a rising middle class will want a say in the power structure. Normally, a democracy allows such political participation in a way a dictatorship cannot. The Communist elite cannot forever maintain a monopoly on power without sharing it with the ruled. These tensions will keep surfacing until the system changes to accommodate normal political aspirations. Liu Xiaobo is a symbol of these tensions. Wishing them away won't help. . Read Full Post
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